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Five Bad
		Ways to Argue About Abortion
 by
		Scott Klusendorf
Pro-life advocates argue that elective
		abortion unjustly takes the life of a defenseless human being. In support of
		this conclusion, pro-lifers cite both scientific and philosophic evidence.
		Nonetheless, some people ignore the evidence pro-life advocates present and
		argue for abortion based on self-interest. That is the lazy way out. If we care
		about truth, we will courageously follow the facts wherever they lead. But
		there are pitfalls. Here are five common mistakes people make arguing for
		abortion
 
 Mistake #1: Confuse objective claims with subjective ones
		(or confuse claims about ice cream with claims about truth).
 
 When
		pro-life advocates say that abortion is morally wrong because it takes the life
		of a defenseless child, they are making a particular type of claim.
		Specifically, they are making a moral claim about the rightness or
		wrongness of abortion.
 
 Many people, however, misconstrue the kind of
		claim the pro-lifer is making in order to respond to one they like better.
		Consider the following responses to the statement, Abortion is morally
		wrong.
 
  "That's just your view."
 
 On a
		recent edition of the television show Politically Incorrect, super model
		Kathy Ireland gave a carefully reasoned scientific and philosophic defense of
		the pro-life position. The show's host, Bill Maher, shot back with, "Kathy,
		that's just your view."
 
 What's wrong with this response? Maher was
		confusing a moral claim with a preference claim. But there is a
		difference between disliking something (say, for example, a particular flavor
		of ice cream) and thinking it is morally wrong. Put simply, when pro-life
		advocates say that abortion is morally wrong, they are not saying they
		personally dislike abortion or would prefer that people not have
		one. Rather, they are saying that elective abortion is objectively wrong
		for everyone, regardless of how one feels about it. This is why the popular
		bumper sticker "Don't like abortion? Don't have one!" misses the point
		entirely. It confuses the two types of claims. Try this: "Don't like slavery?
		Don't own one!"
 
 Now it may be the case that pro-life advocates like
		Kathy Ireland are mistaken about their claim. Perhaps their evidence that
		abortion unjustly takes the life of a defenseless child is weak and
		inconclusive. But instead of proving this with facts and arguments, abortion
		advocates like Bill Maher ignore the evidence altogether. "Well, that's just
		your view." This not only relativizes the pro-lifers claim, it is
		intellectually lazy. It attempts to dismiss evidence rather than refute it.
		
 Imagine if I were to say, "There is a pink elephant in the corner of the
		room just beneath the window." How should you respond to my claim? Perhaps I'm
		mistaken (and chances are I would be), but it would do no good to say, "That's
		just your view." The problem is I was not offering an opinion, I was
		claiming to be right. To refute me, you must show that my claim is
		false. The correct response is to say, "Your evidence is lousy. We looked in
		the corner and there is no elephant."
 
 But again, Maher did not do
		that. At no point did he challenge her facts and arguments. What he said in
		effect was "Go away Kathy. You have your views and I have mine." This was very
		condescending because he did not even entertain the possibility that she had
		good evidence for her claim. Nor did he acknowledge the type of claim she was
		making.
 
 To sum up, Maher was confusing a preference claim with a
		distinctly moral one. Preference claims cannot be evaluated as true or false
		because they are matters of personal taste. You cannot reasonably argue that
		vanilla ice cream is objectively better than chocolate.
 
 But moral
		claims are different. They can be evaluated as true or false based on the
		evidence. They do not say, This is better tasting, they say, This is right.
		Kathy Ireland's claim was, Abortion is wrong because it takes the life of a
		defenseless child, and I think I'm right. Maher's glib response did nothing to
		refute this.
 
 In fact, one could stop Maher dead in his tracks by
		saying, Bill, it's just your view that it's just my view.
 
 
		"Don't force your morality on me."
 
 A student at a Southern
		California college said this to me after I made a case for the pro-life
		position in her sociology class. She was in effect saying, Morality is
		relative; it's up to me to decide what is right and wrong. We call this
		moral relativism, the belief that there are no objective standards of
		right and wrong, only personal preferences. Therefore, we should tolerate other
		views as being equal to our own.
 
 Relativism, however, is seriously
		flawed for at least three reasons. First, it is self-refuting. That is to say,
		it cannot live by its own rules. Second, relativists cannot reasonably say that
		anything is wrong, including intolerance. Third, it is impossible to live as a
		relativist.
 
 1) Relativism is self-refuting--it commits intellectual
		suicide. The student said it was wrong for me to force my views on others,
		but she could not live with her own rule. Although our dialogue was pleasant,
		she clearly tried to force her views on me.
Student: You made some good points in your talk, but you shouldn't force your morality on me or anyone else who wants an abortion. It's our choice, isnt it?
Me: Are you saying I'm wrong?
Student: Im not sure. What do you mean?
Me: Well, you think I'm wrong, don't you? If not, why are you correcting me? And if so, then you're forcing your morality on me, aren't you?
Student: No, I just want to know why you are telling people what they can and cannot do with their lives.
Me: Are you saying I shouldn't do that? That its wrong? If so, then why are you telling me what I can and cannot do? Why are you forcing your morality on me?
Student: (regrouping): Im confused. Look, the simple fact is that pro-choicers are not forcing women to have abortions, but you want to force women to be mothers. If you don't like abortion, don't have one. But you shouldnt force your beliefs on others. All I am saying is that pro-life people should be tolerant of other views.
Me: Is that your view?
Student: Yes.
Me: Why are you forcing it on me? Thats not very tolerant, is it?
Student: What do you mean? I think women should have a choice and you don't. Its your view thats intolerant, wouldnt you say?
Me: Okay, so you think I'm wrong. What is it you want pro-lifers like me to do?
Student: You should let women decide for themselves and tolerate other views.
Me: Tell me, what exactly do pro-choicers believe?
Student: We believe everyone should decide for themselves and tolerate other views.
Me: So you are demanding that pro-lifers become pro-choicers.
Student: What?
Me: With all due respect, heres what I hear you saying. Unless I agree with you, you will not tolerate my view. Privately, you'll let me think whatever I want, but you don't want me to act as if my view is true. It seems you think tolerance is a virtue if and only if people agree with you.
Put succinctly, her argument for tolerance
		was in fact a patronizing form of intolerance. She spoke of moral neutrality,
		but tried to force her views on me. 
 
 A recent editorial in the
		Toronto Star was similarly intolerant of pro-life advocates. While
		decrying the "single-minded moral supremacism" of those who call abortion
		killing, journalist Michele Landsberg writes:
Will no priest or minister publicly resolve to stop the indoctrination of youth to view abortion as murder? Is none ashamed of the blood-drenched holocaust vocabulary used so cynically (and anti-semitically) to whip up fervor for the crusade? Where are the outspoken cries of conscience by bishops and cardinals who should be appalled by the evidence of links between anti-abortion fanatics and far-right militias, neo Nazis, and white supremacists? Is there no religious leader who regrets his church's role in feeding this blind frenzy? Will none of them repent of their excesses, will none call a halt to their sickeningly manipulative campaigns of "precious little feet," their fake "documentaries" about screaming fetuses? You'd think that the world had enough lessons in the dangers of hate speech.
Like hers? It doesn't seem to trouble Ms. Landsberg that her own vitriolic rhetoric could incite pro-choicers to commit acts of violence against pro-lifers. She continues:
It was the unbridled hate speech of fundamentalist fanatics in Israel who spurred on the "devout" murder of then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin....We've seen how homophobic rantings from right-wing American leaders, notably the Senate republican leader, led to escalating gay bashings, culminating in the heart- wrenching death of Matthew Shepherd in Wyoming....Denominational schools [should] begin to teach respect for the laws of our pluralistic society, rather than preaching single-minded moral supremacism.
Again, like her own?
 
 Notice what is
		going on here. She decries "moral supremacism," but says that anyone who
		disagrees with her view on abortion is an indoctrinator of youth, a fanatic, an
		anti-Semite, a neo-Nazi, a white supremacist, a manipulator of facts, a
		purveyor of hate speech, homophobic, a gay-basher, a religious bully,
		responsible for the death of Matthew Shepherd, and finally, a fundamentalist
		fanatic like those who murdered Yitzhak Rabin.
 
 One can hardly imagine
		a finer piece of self-refuting rhetoric. All, of course, in the name of
		tolerance.
 
 While driving my sons to a recent baseball game at Dodger
		Stadium, a young woman in a white pickup truck began tailgating me. Visibly
		angered by a pro-life sticker on my rear window, she stayed on my bumper for a
		mile or so. Finally, she pulled beside me and extended a certain part of her
		anatomy skyward as she passed. She then cut in front of me.
 
 At that
		moment, I noticed a bumper sticker on her truck. It said, "Celebrate
		Diversity." The message was clear: In a pluralistic society, we should tolerate
		the views of others. Ironically, the driver saw no contradiction between her
		unwillingness to tolerate (or celebrate) my point of view and her bumper
		sticker that said we should tolerate all points of view. That is what I
		mean when I say that relativism is self-refuting.
 
 2) It is
		impossible for a moral relativist to say that anything is wrong, including
		intolerance. If morals are relative, then who are you to say that I should
		be tolerant? Perhaps my individual morality says intolerance is just fine. Why,
		then, should I allow anyone to force tolerance on me as a virtue if my
		preference is intolerance?
 
 The truth is, a moral relativist cannot
		legitimately say that anything is wrong or truly evil. My colleague Greg Koukl
		once challenged a relativist with this question. "Do you think it is wrong to
		torture babies for fun?" She paused, then replied, "Well, I wouldn't want to do
		that to my baby." Greg responded, "That's not what I asked you. I didn't ask if
		you liked torturing babies for fun, I asked if it was wrong to
		torture babies for fun." The relativist was caught and she knew it. She
		chuckled and went on to another subject.
 
 If it is up to us to decide
		(rather than discover) right and wrong, then there is no difference between
		Mother Theresa's morality and Adolf Hitler's morality. Hitler was not evil, he
		just had preferences different from our own. 
 
 3) It is impossible
		to live as a moral relativist. As C.S. Lewis points out, a person who
		claims there is no objective morality will complain if you break a promise or
		cut in line. And if you steal his stereo, he will protest loudly. If I were a
		crook, I would reply to the relativist, Do you think stealing stereos is wrong?
		Well, that's just your view. My morality says it's perfectly acceptable. Who
		are you to force your views on me? Simply put, moral relativists espouse a view
		they cannot live with.
 
  "I'm personally opposed to
		abortion, but I still think it should be legal."
 
 When people
		say this, I ask a simple question to clarify things. I ask why they
		personally oppose abortion. Invariably, they reply, We oppose it because it
		kills a human baby. At that point, I merely repeat back their words. "Let me
		see if I got this straight. You oppose abortion because it kills babies, but
		you think it should be legal to kill babies?"
 
 Would these same people
		argue that while they personally opposed slavery, they would not protest if a
		neighbor wanted to own one? This was precisely what Stephen Douglas did during
		his debates with Abraham Lincoln. That argument did not work with slavery and
		it will not work with abortion. Either elective abortion kills a defenseless
		child or not. If it does, we should not tolerate it. Period.
 
		Mistake #2: Attack the person rather than refute the argument. (Ad
		hominem fallacy)
 
 Instead of defending the abortion act itself,
		some "pro-choice" advocates personally attack those who do not share their
		views. At a 1995 "Rock for Choice" concert in Pensacola Florida, vocalist Eddie
		Vedder of Pearl Jam shrieked from the stage: "I'm usually good about my temper,
		but all these men trying to control women's bodies really piss me off. They're
		talking from a bubble. They're not talking from the street, and they're not in
		touch with what's real. Well, I'm f----ing mean, and I'm ugly, and my name is
		reality. Music--that is my religion. I would never force my beliefs on
		anyone--that's the thing."
 
 During an HBO special, comedian Rosanne
		Barr told the audience: "You know who else I can't stand is them people that
		are antiabortion....I hate them. They're ugly, old, geeky, hideous men. They
		just don't want nobody to have an abortion, cause they want you to keep
		spitting out kids so they can molest them."
 
 Do you see what is
		happening here? Instead of defending their views with facts and arguments,
		Rosanne Barr and Eddie Vedder are attacking the character of pro-lifers. We
		call this the ad hominem fallacy. It is fallacious reasoning because
		even if the personal attack is true, it does nothing to refute the pro-lifer's
		argument.
 
 Let's grant, for the sake of discussion, that pro-life
		advocates are hideous old men who molest children, as Roseanne Barr contends is
		true. How does this in any way refute the pro-life claim that abortion takes
		the life of a defenseless child? Clearly, it does not. The attack is therefore
		irrelevant to the argument the pro-life advocate is making.
 
		Consider also the claim that pro-lifers are hypocritical to protest abortion
		unless they adopt babies they do not want aborted. For the moment, let's assume
		there are not two million American families willing to do this, as is the case.
		How would the alleged reluctance of pro-lifers to adopt babies justify the act
		of abortion? While it is true that pro-life advocates should help those facing
		crisis pregnancies, it is not true that abortion is justified whenever that
		obligation is left unmet.
 
 Imagine a bigot arguing, Unless you agree to
		marry my wife, you have no right to oppose me beating her. Or, Unless you are
		willing to adopt my three sons by noon today, I shall execute them. If you
		reject his ultimatum, is he morally justified performing acts of violence on
		innocent victims?
 
 Sometimes people are attacked for their gender. Men
		are told, "You can't get pregnant, so leave the abortion issue to women."
		Besides its obvious sexism, the statement is seriously flawed for several
		reasons.
 
 First, arguments do not have genders, people do. Since many
		pro-life women use the same arguments offered by pro-life men, it behooves the
		abortion advocate to answer these arguments without fallaciously attacking a
		person's gender.
 
 Second, to be consistent with their own reasoning,
		abortion advocates would have to concede that Roe v. Wade was bad
		law--after all, it was decided by nine men. They must also call for the
		dismissal of all male lawyers working for Planned Parenthood, the ACLU, etc.,
		on abortion related issues. Since abortion advocates are unwilling to do this,
		we can restate their argument as follows: "No man can speak on abortion--unless
		he agrees with us." Once again, this is a classic case of intolerance.
 
		Third, lesbians and post-menopausal women cannot naturally get pregnant; must
		they be silent on the issue?
 
 Finally, think of the bizarre rules we
		could derive from this argument: 
 "Since only generals understand battle, only they should discuss the morality of war."
 "Because female sportscasters have never experienced a groin injury, they have no right to broadcast football games on national television."
 "Only Jewish people have a right to condemn the holocaust."
Again, abortion advocates must offer facts
		and arguments in support of their position. Attacking people personally, even
		if those attacks are true, will not make their case or refute ours.
 
		Mistake #3 : Assume what you are trying to prove.
 
 Advocates of
		elective abortion must show that the unborn are not fully human or their case
		crumbles. But instead of proving this conclusion with facts and arguments, many
		people simply assume it within the course of their rhetoric. We call this
		"begging the question" and it is a logical fallacy that lurks behind many
		arguments for abortion.
 
 A person begs the question when he assumes
		what he is trying to prove. Imagine you are undergoing an IRS audit. If federal
		prosecutors were to ask, Have you stopped cheating on your taxes?, your defense
		lawyer would strongly object. The reason is simple: The question assumes you
		have broken the law, the very point prosecutors are trying to prove. Your
		attorney would rightly demand they prove guilt with facts and evidence, rather
		than assume it with rhetoric. 
 
 Arguing that abortion is justified
		because a woman has a right to control her own body assumes there is only one
		body involved--that of the woman. But this is precisely the point abortion
		advocates try to prove. Hence, they beg the question.
 
 Or, take the
		claim that no one knows when life begins, therefore abortion should remain
		legal. But to argue that no one knows when life begins, and that abortion must
		remain legal through all nine months of pregnancy, assumes that life does not
		begin until birth--the exact point abortion advocates try to prove. This is
		hardly a neutral position. It is a clear case of begging the question.
 
		So is the coat hanger argument, which states that women will die from illegal
		abortions if laws are passed protecting the unborn. But unless you begin with
		the assumption that the unborn are not human, you are making the highly
		questionable claim that because some people die attempting to kill others, the
		state should make it safe and legal for them to do so. Should we legalize bank
		robbery so it is safer for felons?
 
 If you think a particular argument
		begs the question regarding the status of the unborn, simply ask, Would this
		justification for abortion also work as a justification for killing toddlers or
		other humans? If not, the argument assumes the unborn are not fully human.
		
 Again, it may be the case that the unborn are not fully human and abortion
		is therefore justified. But this must be proven with facts and evidence, not
		merely assumed by one's rhetoric.
 
  Mistake #4: Confuse
		functioning as a person with being a person.
 
		Abortion advocates like Mary Anne Warren claim that a "person" is a living
		entity with feelings, self-awareness, and the ability to interact with his or
		her environment. Because the fetus, she alleges, can do none of these things,
		it cannot be fully human. Warren is espousing a doctrine known as
		functionalism, the belief that human beings are defined by what they can and
		cannot do. Functionalism, however, is seriously flawed because it fails to make
		a number of critical distinctions.
 
 First, one can fail to
		function as a person and yet still be a person. People under
		anesthesia or in a deep sleep cannot feel pain, are not self-aware, and cannot
		reason. Neither can those in reversible comas. But we do not call into question
		their humanity because we recognize that although they cannot function
		as persons, they still have the being of persons, which is the
		essential thing.
 
 Here is the key question: How many functions can I
		lose and still be myself? If I lose my sight, am I still me? If my legs and
		arms are lost, am I still me? If I cannot speak or hear, am I still me? What if
		I can no longer play chess or think critically? What if my IQ is less than 50?
		Wouldn't I still be a person with value?
 
 Do I, as a person, become
		disposable simply because I cannot do everything you can? Do I lose the right
		to live because I am helpless and dependent? Do stronger, more capable people
		have more rights than others?
 
 The answer is obviously no. No physical
		change or loss of function will cause you to cease being you unless that
		change ends your life. When a living thing like the unborn human comes into
		being, it remains what it is regardless of the shape of its body or present
		capabilities.
 
 Second, one must be a person in order to function as
		one. Non-sentient frogs do not become persons simply by acquiring sentience
		(the ability to feel pain, etc.). Nor do robots become persons by assembling
		cars or loading freight. Rather, a person is one with the natural, inherent
		capacity to perform personal acts, even if that capacity is currently
		unrealized. One grows in the ability to perform personal acts only because one
		already is the kind of thing that grows into the ability to perform personal
		acts, i.e., a person.
 
 Third, the rights of individuals in our society
		are not based on their current (actual) capacities, but on their
		inherent capacities. This sounds complex, but we make this distinction
		all the time. For example, no one doubts that newborn humans have fewer actual
		capacities than do day-old calves. Baby humans are rather unimpressive in terms
		of environmental awareness, mobility, etc. Yet this does not lead us to believe
		that the calf belongs in the nursery while the infant can be left in the barn.
		To the contrary, we understand that although the infant currently lacks many
		functional abilities, it nonetheless has the inherent capacity to function as a
		person. But if individual rights are grounded in one's current capacities,
		calves should enjoy a greater moral status than do newborns.
 
 People
		who are unconscious cannot presently function as persons, but they still have
		the inherent capacity to perform personal acts. That is why we do not kill
		them. From the moment of conception, the unborn human has the natural, inherent
		capacity to function as a person. What he lacks is the current capacity to do
		so. That he cannot yet speak, reason, or perform personal acts means only that
		he cannot yet function as a person, not that he lacks the essential being of a
		person.
 
 This same emphasis on inherent (as opposed to actual) capacity
		is underscored in the accepted bio-ethical criteria for brain death. Say, for
		example, you have an automobile accident that leaves you in a coma. Some of
		your friends think your quality of life is gone and want to unplug life
		support. Others, like your parents, rally to stop them. What should be done?
		
 
 The law in this case is very specific. According to the Uniform
		Determination of Death Act written into the health and safety codes of each
		state, the deciding factor is not your current state of brain function, but
		your inherent state of brain function. For death to occur, there must be an
		"irreversible cessation of all functions of the entire brain, including
		the brain stem." Hence, the reversibly comatose are never classified as
		"non-persons" under our existing legal system despite their current lack of
		brain function.
 
 Again, from the moment of conception the unborn entity
		has the inherent capacity to have a functioning brain. What it lacks is the
		current capacity. Hence, there is no ethical difference between it and the
		reversibly comatose, the momentarily unconscious, etc., who enjoy the
		protection of law despite their current inability to function as persons.
		
 Finally, functionalism dehumanizes not only the unborn, but also many
		people outside of the womb.
 
 Last month, an attorney friend I was
		debating argued that until the 32nd week of pregnancy, the unborn's brain
		resembles a fish or amphibian in its evolutionary development. Therefore, the
		unborn are not fully human until the final stages of pregnancy.
 
 This
		argument is dangerous. Darwin and his followers used it a century ago to
		dehumanize women. Their contention was that women were biologically and
		intellectually inferior because their brains were less developed than a man's.
		In The Descent of Man in Relation to Sex, Darwin wrote: 
[Man] attains a higher eminence, in whatever he takes up, than can women--whether requiring deep thought, reason, or imagination, or merely the use of the senses and hands. If two lists were made of the most eminent men and women in poetry, history, painting, sculpture, music (inclusive of both composition and performance), history, science, and philosophy, the two lists would not bear comparison. We may also infer, from the law of the deviation from averages...[that] the average mental power in man must be above that of women.
Ladies, it gets worse. In his book The Mismeasure of Man, prominent paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould quotes Darwin disciple Gustave Le Bon as follows:
[Even in] the most intelligent races [there] are large numbers of women whose brains are closer in size to those of gorillas than to the most developed male brains. This inferiority is so obvious that no one can contest it for a moment; only its degree is worth discussion. Women represent the most inferior forms of human evolution and...are closer to children and savages than to an adult, civilized man. They excel in fickleness, inconstancy, absence of thought and logic, and incapacity to reason. Without a doubt, there exists some distinguished women, very superior to the average man, but they are as exceptional as the birth of any monstrosity, as for example, of a gorilla with two heads. Consequently, we may neglect them entirely.
Ladies and gentlemen, what will it be? Will
		we acknowledge the truth found in The Declaration of Independence
		that human beings have value simply because they are human? Or will we join
		Darwin in saying only the achievers, intelligent, and powerful count as full
		human persons? Be careful how you decide. The results could one day disqualify
		you as human.
 
  Mistake #5: Disguise your true position by appealing
		to the hard cases.
 
 Some people argue that legal abortion protects
		rape victims from compulsory motherhood. They castigate pro-lifers as cruel and
		insensitive toward women suffering assault.
 
 This seems like a powerful
		objection. Rape is profoundly evil. Victims deserve our best care. But
		theres a moral consideration as well. Does rape involve two victims or
		just one? And if the unborn entity involved is human, why should she be forced
		to give up her life so that her mother can feel better?
 
 Put
		differently, can you think of any other case where, having been victimized
		yourself, you can justly turn around and victimize another completely innocent
		person? Say, for example, a drunk driver plows into your parked car, destroying
		it. To ease the pain of your loss, you take a sledgehammer to your
		neighbors sedan. Is this morally permissible? If a friend protests your
		actions, is he insensitive? Hardly. So again, the issue is not, Are pro-lifers
		cruel?, but, What is the unborn? If the unborn is human, it should not be
		killed to benefit its mother. There is no moral complexity here.
 
 But
		the appeal to hard cases is flawed in another way that has nothing to do with
		one's attitude toward women or the morality of abortion. It is flawed because
		it is not entirely truthful.
 
 Here's why. The "pro-choice" position is
		not that abortion should be legal only when a woman is raped, but that abortion
		is a fundamental right she can exercise for any reason she wants during all
		nine months of pregnancy. Instead of defending this position with facts and
		arguments, many disguise it with an emotional appeal to rape.
 
 But this
		will not make their case. The argument from rape, if successful at all, would
		only justify abortion in cases of sexual assault, not for any reason the woman
		deems fit. In fact, arguing for abortion-on-demand from the hard case of rape
		is like trying to argue for the elimination of all traffic laws because a
		person might have to break one rushing a loved one to the hospital. Proving an
		exception does not prove a rule.
 
 To expose their smokescreen, I ask
		abortion advocates the following: "Okay, I'm going to grant for the sake of
		discussion that we keep abortion legal in cases of rape. Will you join me in
		supporting legal restrictions on those abortions done for convenience which, as
		your own studies show, make up the overwhelming percentage of abortions?"
		
 The answer is almost always no, to which I reply, "Then why did you bring
		rape up except to mislead us into thinking you support abortion only in the
		hard cases?"
 
 Again, if pro-choicers think abortion should be legal for
		all nine months of pregnancy for any reason whatsoever, including sex-selection
		and convenience, they should defend that view with facts and arguments. Cashing
		in on the tragedy of rape victims is intellectually dishonest.
 
 VI.
		Summary and Conclusion:
 
 To sum up, one must show that the unborn
		are not fully human or the case for elective abortion crumbles. Scaring people
		over illegal abortions or alleged invasions of privacy will not make the case.
		No privacy argument is a legitimate cover for a conspiracy to do serious harm
		to an innocent human being.
 
 The fact that some people controvert a
		position does not make that position intrinsically controversial. People argued
		for both sides about slavery, racism and genocide, but that did not make them
		complex issues.
 
 No, we can do better than that. Abortion is complex
		only for those who, because of their own self-interest, want to make it
		complex. To paraphrase what Abraham Lincoln said to Stephen Douglas, You do not
		have a right to do what is wrong.
 
 Scott
		Klusendorf is Director of Bio-Ethics at Stand to Reason.
 
		The preceding excerpt "Five Bad Ways to Argue About Abortion"
		© 1997, is from Scott Klusendorf's book "Pro-Life 101: a User Friendly
		Guide to Making Your Case on Campus". Permission granted to copy for personal
		use only.
 
 To order his book "Pro-Life 101: a User Friendly Guide to
		Making Your Case on Campus", contact
		STR or call
		310-539-3932.
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